Friday Night Lights Movie Essay Example for Free

Friday Night Lights Movie Essay I strongly believe that it is important for parents to be involved in the extra-curricular activities of their children. This builds encouragement for the son/daughter, and makes them respect their parents even more. Yet at the same time there is a line that must not be crossed by the parent. Once you reach the point of getting physical and abusive, you know that the line has been crossed. There has to be some sort of understanding that your child is not going to be perfect at everything that he or she does. The important thing is the effort that they put into it, not the outcome of their performance. As a parent you must also realize that this is your child’s life, not yours. Parents should try to understand that support is a great way to build confidence. This is vital to building discipline and a stronger relationship between parent and son/daughter. In the movie Billingsley’s dad takes it to a whole different level. He wants everything Donnie does to be absolutely perfect, ultimately trying to live within his son. Donnie’s dad finds the need to humiliate and harass his own son in order to build some sort of toughness, and expects that this method will make him play better. This is definitely not the way to solve the problems Don was having on the football field. I understand that his dad was a drunk with an attitude problem, but that certainly does not give him the right to treat Billingsley that way. Just imagine the frustration and discouragement building inside of Donnie. Trying to have fun playing football must have been near to impossible for him. Donnie probably had a lot of negative emotions and tons of pressure while playing, worrying how his father would react to not living up to his expectations. Any mishaps Donnie would have on the field should have been left for his coach to address, not his dad. His dad should have played his part as a loving parent and supported his son, no matter the outcome.

Economic Impact Of Technology Interventions Streptokinase Economics Essay

Economic Impact Of Technology Interventions Streptokinase Economics Essay About 14 million patients in India suffer from heart attacks every year. Of these, 2.8 million patients can benefit from a clot buster drug which would save the patients life and provide room for further treatment such as medical stents if so required. Coronary heart disease claims over a million lives every year in India. There is a need for a safe and affordable clot buster drug. At the turn of the century, clot buster drug formulations were either imported or based on imported bulk drug and formulated domestically. They were expensive, equivalent to eighteen months (tPA) to two months (Streptokinase) of per capita income at that time. Cost matters more in India unlike in countries with universal health insurance as most Indians spend out of own pocket for health expenses. Given Indias prowess in generic drugs, the production capacity gap in an area of health emergency with severe consequences seems an anomaly. The gap stems from the fact that clot buster drugs are biotechnology dr ugs which require competencies quite different from those of the usual drugs based on chemical synthesis. CSIR-IMTECH, Chandigarh made efforts to develop a process to produce clot buster drugs. Initial efforts were unsuccessful, in part due to the complex nature of the animal sources based protein drug. Subsequent teams picked up the challenge again, chose a simpler molecule and after some misses, could develop a process for natural streptokinase and then recombinant streptokinase, both harnessed from micro-organisms. The misses were important steps providing crucial learning for the process development. Streptokinase technology was transferred to industry partners, natural Streptokinase to Cadila Pharma and recombinant Streptokinase to Shasun Pharma. Implementing the technology on the shopfloor faced difficulties. In the case of recombinant streptokinase, regulatory approvals took time to obtain. The knowing-doing gap was bridged by closing the competency gap through sustained engagement between the CSIR-IMTECH scientists and the managers and technology staff of the licensees. Persevera nce, team perseverance, allowing mistakes, dynamic learning from disciplined failure, give-and-take by both the scientists team and the industrial practitioners team, and a can-do, must-do, done mind-set were the keys to success. Leadership steering at both the Lab and the Industry with a commitment to collaborate and continual collaborating was crucial. This led the transition from the lab scale to industrial scale. The respective products were launched in 2001 and 2009. The results are quite encouraging. Prices have dropped (by 65 percent, to less than one month of per capita income), availability has increased, access to a life-saving medicine has risen, and patients have realized a worth of over Rs. 16,000 crores due to the CSIR-IMTECH/licensees Streptokinase. The economic impact, or the additional benefit that would be lost if this CSIR-IMTECH Streptokinase technology intervention had not been there, is assessed based on medical impact of Streptokinase and using per capita income to be Rs. 2180 crores. The Lab itself accomplished net earnings valued at Rs.1.8 crores and the Industry partners together realized value addition of Rs. 17 crores. Innovating for affordable healthcare is inclusive innovation. The benefits to patients eclipse the benefits to those who generated the technology intervention. This pursuit of innovation continues. CSIR-IMTECH has taken the science of clot-buster drugs to a level where improved Streptokinase (smarter streptokinase) molecules will have the advantages of the far more expensive animal cell line based tPA but will be much more affordable. Similarly, while access has expanded (about 120,000 standard doses), there remain millions of patients in need of this life-saving drug. More needs to be done. Introduction Heart attacks, strokes, respiratory and cardiac failure have a common enemy in blood clots in the bloodstream that can block blood supply to the heart muscle, any part of the brain or the lungs. The consequence of blockage is damage to the heart muscle, the brain cells, or the lung tissue which is usually irreversible and debilitating, if not fatal. Extreme consequences can arise if the treatment is not administered within a window of few hours (3-4.5 hours, Klabunde (2007), Hacke et. al. (2008)). Then, the heart or brain tissue, as the case may be, gets damaged which is mostly irreversible. Treatments range from clot-dissolving medication to surgical intervention such as angioplasty or insertion of stents and open chest bypass surgery. Clot busters, as clot dissolving drugs are called, attack the clot itself to dissolve it and restore blood supply. Angioplasty is an invasive and expensive procedure where blocked arteries are opened up using medical stents thus making more space for the blood supply to be restored. Similarly, bypass surgery is invasive and very expensive (see appendix 1). Prevention in high-risk patients (hardened and narrowed/blocked arteries) is via blood thinner drugs that reduce blood density allowing blood to flow through the reduced space. Despite preventive treatment, clots can form and occlusion in blood vessels can occur. Then, clot buster drugs are life saviours. In India, more than a million patients die due to coronary heart disease every year (appendix 1). Until the year 2001, no domestic production of clot-busters existed. The formulations were imported: among others, the lead formulations of Streptokinase Kabinase by Kabi Pharmacia, Sweden and Streptase by Hoechst Marion Roussel, Germany were priced then between Rs. 3000 to Rs. 4000 per vial (Krishnan (2000)). The dominant drug in this class of drugs, Tissue Plasminogen Asctivator (tPA) cost more than Rs. 30,000 per vial. Thus, clot buster drugs were expensive and the supply was short of requirement. In terms of per capita income at that time, this amounted to eighteen months of income for tPA and about two months of income for Streptokinase. The Streptokinase market was about 21 thousand vials of standard dose of 1.5 miu  [1]  . Lack of affordability could have restricted access. Given Indian pharmaceutical industrys prowess in generic drugs, realized through strengths in organic chemicals synthesis and process engineering, this raises the question about the obstacles. The Indian pharmaceutical industry was essentially based on chemical entities whereas clot buster drugs are based on biotechnology  [2]  which was almost non-existent in India around the turn of the century. Thus, access to affordable life-saving clot buster drugs was limited domestically. To make it affordable, it had to be produced domestically. To produce it domestically, a suitable technology had to be developed. The technology had then to be transitioned from a laboratory scale to an industrial scale. As in the case of affordable chemical drugs, the impetus of finding solutions and creating domestic capacity also came from CSIR Labs. In the case of generic chemical drugs, the core scientists came from Labs such as the NCL, Pune, IICT, Hyderabad and CDRI, Lucknow. These scientists and their industry contemporaries developed and implemented safe and cost effective technologies in a short time span. In the case of biotechnology, processes are being developed by IMTECH, Chandigarh and IICB, Kolkata among others. A program at IMTECH tapped into finding a solution to the problem of an affordable clot buster drug. The program has roots in projects dating back to 1989. The scientists examined the prevalent clot buster drug tissue Plasminogen Activator (tPA) but then chose instead an alternate less complex protein Streptokinase for development. This study examines the benefits realized from the Streptokinase project, specifically, the natural Streptokinase biotechnology drug licensed to Cadila Pharma and the recombinant Streptokinase drug technology licensed to Shasun Pharma Limited, to quantify the value creation and to assess the economic impact. The Industry The Indian pharmaceutical industry is among the top science based industries and focused on quality affordable drugs. It is estimated to be USD 21 billion or about Rs. 105,000 crores with exports accounting for about 40 percent (USD 8.7 billion) in 2009-10 (DOP (2011, 2012)). The industry is growing at over 10 percent per year. It is the sixth largest industry in India ranked by contribution to GDP (CSO (2011)). Globally, it ranks 3rd in terms of volume of production (10 percent of global share) and 14th largest in terms of value (1.5 percent of global share). A reason for the low value share is the lower cost of drugs in India 5 to 50 percent less than in developed countries. Thus, the Indian drugs and pharmaceutical industry is focused on affordable drugs. The Indian pharmaceutical industry is diverse. The number of units is quoted at over 20,000. However, the actual number of drug manufacturing licenses issued is about 5877 (GOI (2003))  [3]  . Registered factories are about 3500 (CSO (2011)), the rest being smaller unregistered units. The units are spread across India and provide depth that accounts for the 10 percent global volume share. Apart from MNCs such as Glaxo Smithkline, Pfizer, Astra Zeneca, several Indian companies Ranbaxy, Dr. Reddys, Cipla, Lupin and others have global operations. Biotechnology based drugs have taken root and are growing. Companies such as Biocon, Serum Institute of India, Panacea Biotec, and Reliance Life Sciences have adopted biotechnology. The biotechnology industry value exceeds Rs. 20,000 crores in 2011-12 (BioSpectrum-ABLE Biotech Survey 2012). Many Indian companies maintain the highest standards in purity, stability and international safety, health and environmental protection in production and supply of bulk drugs to buyer companies, who in turn are subject to stringent assessment by regulatory authorities in importing countries. These companies have secured regulatory approvals from USFDA, MHRA-UK, TGA-Australia, MCC-South Africa for their plants. Quality with certification is also a feature among many Indian pharmaceutical companies. During the last decade, the industry has embraced new technologies and adapted to regulatory regimes more aligned to international regulatory regimes. New business models have emerged to cope with and thrive in this environment. All of these have a bearing on the development of a domestic clot buster drug, namely, Streptokinase. With the advent of product patents in India from the 2005 amendment to the Patents Act, the focus has shifted from process engineering to drug discovery. Process engineering remains important. Several drugs will go off patent over the next few years and supply of cost effective quality generics would benefit the industry and the consumers. However, drug discovery is the new mantra. Drug discovery is a highly uncertain multi-million multi-year activity. For every one new drug molecule approved, the pipeline requires about twelve molecules for clinical trials candidacy. For every molecule reaching clinical candidacy, the pipeline of molecules is three molecules based on current success rates at each stage. The total costs spiral to over USD 600  [4]  million per new drug molecule in the USA over a span of a decade. Patent protection allows recovery of the investment but also makes the drug expensive. In India, the cost per new drug molecule can drop to less than USD 150 million due to lower costs (such as those of clinical trials). This lower cost is encouraging Indian drug enterprises to engage in drug discovery as they adapt to the product regime. However, even at the reduced cost in India, the drug would still be expensive and out of reach of many Indians. Drugs capacity building in India appears to be addressing reduction in costs and so also in the time span for drug discovery. Specialization along the chain of drug discovery via outsourcing is one emerging business model. Thus, RD is being shaped by Contract Research Organizations (CROs), Drug Discovery Development (DDD) and Clinical Trials Organizations (CTO). Manufacturing is by large integrated companies as also by Contract Manufacturers. Marketing is also by Contract Marketers and co-marketing alliances (IBEF (2010), KPMG (2006)). While regulatory changes may be the trigger for drug discovery, demand for drugs for Indian diseases is also an impetus. Chief among these are drugs for infective diseases found in India but not much in developed countries such as tuberculosis, malaria, typhoid, cholera etc. These diseases are far more prevalent in developing countries such as India where affordability is a key issue. Profits from patented multi-billion drug molecules will be tough to realize for these diseases. Thus, effective new molecules for these diseases would have to be developed within India. A major initiative underway in this regard is the Open Source Drug Discovery (OSDD) project of CSIR which seeks to harness talent across boundaries, cutting costs and hopes to reduce drug discovery time. It is open source and thus drug molecules found will be distributed without the higher price due to profits associated with patents. Costs will be cut down to the collaborative nature of the initiative. Incentives to col laborators are based on contributing to drug discovery for debilitating diseases and the recognition among peers. Also important are drugs for the so called lifestyle diseases such as diabetes (about 50 million diabetics in India as per Ramachandran et. al. (2010)) and hypertension (65 million hypertension patients in India as per Gupta (2004)), both high risk factors for emergencies such as heart attacks, strokes and respiratory failure. India is estimated to have about 14 million patients that suffer from myocardial infarction or heart attacks every year, of which 80 percent patients may not be receiving proper medical care (Financial Express (2002)). About 20 percent (2.8 million) of the cardiac patients population in India could use a clot buster drug. Only a fraction (about 200, 000 or under 10 percent) of these patients undergo bypass surgeries or angioplasty. The rest of the patients (2.6 million) could be treated with clot buster drugs administered within a window of 3-4.5 hours to the patient. Recall that there are over a million deaths every year due to coronary heart disease in India. With a growing number of diabetes and hypertension patients in India, and so increasing chances of blood vessel occlusion related deaths, having access to an affordable clot buster drug is going to be increasingly more important. An added advantage is the possibility of exports of these drugs since the diseases addressed are prevalent globally. The Technology Gap, Development and Commercialization A domestic clot buster drug was missing, as discussed earlier. The choice among three prevalent drugs narrowed to Streptokinase. Streptokinase is a 47kD  [5]  protein composed of 414 amino acids produced by several strains of beta hemolytic streptococci. It dissolves a clot occluding blood supply through a 3-step process. First, Streptokinase forms a complex with plasminogen (Pg). This 1:1 complex (the Partner Pg) rapidly becomes proteolytically active. Second, the Partner Pg complex acts on substrate Pg molecules in circulation to convert them to plasmin (Pn), the active form of the pro-enzyme Pg. Plasmin is a protease that is capable of breaking apart cross-links between fibrin molecules, which provide the structural integrity of blood clots. So, third, the plasmin rapidly dissolves the pathological clot occluding blood supply to the heart muscle in case of myocardial infarction, to brain tissue in case of stroke or to the lungs in case of respiratory failure. The Lab, Research Capacity and Technology Development Technology development has been enabled by science research and ongoing (and predecessor) projects at CSIR-IMTECH. The focus is science and technology related to microbial products. A key area is recombinant gene technology based products. One initiative relates to developing a domestic clot buster drug. The initial attempt in late 1980s focused on the prevalent drug tissue Plasminogen Activator (tPA) which is naturally found in the human body in small quantities. Through recombinant gene technology, a pioneer of the field, Professor Collen and his organization Genentech USA produced tPA from animal cell lines in the early 1980s. Attempts to replicate tPA production in IMTECH did not fructify partly due to the volatile external environment prevalent at that time and so the lack of enough scientists to execute the task. During the early 1990s, subsequently, another team of scientists at IMTECH chose an alternative to tPA, namely, Streptokinase for development due to its simpler structure and higher probability of success in developing a novel process for domestic production. The process involved two key competencies protein science and cloning science among others. Technical problems arose again in implementing the recombinant gene technology. The scientists decided to down-shift to developing a process for producing Streptokinase from natural sources. It involves two main processes fermentation (protein production) and purification (separating the protein from the broth, purified to an extent that it is admissible to humans). This effort was successful lending both credibility to the process and boosting the morale of the scientists concerned. The first success helped to delineate the tasks possible from the tasks not possible (appendix 2). This paved the way for producing Streptokinase using re combinant gene technology increasing yield many times over. The key process innovation was the use of 2-step chromatography for purification. Leadership Throughout the years of development spanning 1989 onward, the scientists at CSIR-IMTECH were supported by the science leadership and management comprising four different institute directors and two different director-generals  [6]  . Leadership and institutional continuity combined with scientific ingenuity and perseverance to produce first natural and then recombinant streptokinase. The agenda continues and smart Streptokinase is under development which could be a life-saving and life-enhancing product not only for India and the developing nations but also for the developed countries. The Technology Transfer, Technology Embedding and Commercialization The lab scale success has to be transitioned to industrial scale and commercial success. Subsequent to the transfer of know-how on fermentation and purification processes and the strain, implementation at an industrial scale also faced many hurdles. While the science was established at the Lab with lab scale production, the transition to industrial scale volumes threw up challenges (see appendix 2). As at the Lab level, informed hit and trial, learning from failure, delineating what not to do from what to do helped to transition the technology to industrial scale. Standardization of the industrial biotechnology process entailed initial training, repeated training and embedding the technology in the licensees premises. IMTECH engaged with the licensees and remained engaged thereby providing a lot of handholding in the journey from the lab to factory production. This case is an example of disciplined failure where learning from initial failure led to a course change, technological succ ess, commercial success, and then again picking up the more difficult task and taking it to fruition. CSIR-IMTECH first developed a technology to produce natural Streptokinase from Streptococci. It was developed in 4 years by 1998-99, licensed and transferred in 1999-2000 and launched commercially in 2001-2002. The recombinant Streptokinase was developed in 5 years by the year 2001-2002, licensed and transferred in 2002-2003 and commercially launched in 2009-10. Natural Streptokinase know-how was licensed to Cadila Limited for fees of Rs. 20 lakhs and royalty based on ex-factory sales for 5 years. This drug was launched as STPASE injection in year 2001-02. Subsequently, recombinant gene technology was licensed by CSIR-IMTECH to Shasun Pharmaceuticals Limited, Chennai for a fee of Rs. 1 crore and royalty payments based on ex-factory sales for 5 years. The drug was launched in July 2009 and marketed by Lupin Pharma as LUPIFLO. Comparison with prevalent alternate treatments Prior to adoption of Streptokinase for clot-blockade led heart attacks, the treatments were generalized and included oxygenation and intensive care (appendix 1). Subsequent to studies of randomized controlled trials establishing efficacy and superiority of Streptokinase, it was adopted widely specially in Europe. Later, other clot busting drugs were developed. Still later, open heart bypass surgery and then angioplasty using medical stents were developed. Clot buster drugs are more affordable than surgical treatments. Within the class of clot buster drugs, Streptokinase remains the most affordable. Its costs are lower since its production is micro-organism based unlike the others derived from animal cell lines. Comparison with prevalent competing technologies clot-busters Clot-buster drugs in use are tissue plasminogen activator (tPA), Streptokinase, and Urokinase. Streptokinase competes with tissue plasminogen activator (tPA) which is the prevalent clot buster drug. tPA is preferred for its target (blood clot causing blockade) specificity. The advantage of tPA over Streptokinase is in the extent of systemic fibrinogenolysis generated by each. The resultant side effect of bleeding (due to suppression of clot formation by plasmin) can be higher for Streptokinase. However, studies have established that streptokinase is as effective in saving lives in mycocardial infarction as is tPA, despite the nearly ten-fold higher price of the latter. tPA is expensive enough to be inaccessible to most patients for this life threatening condition. Recombinant tPA reduced prices but the cost remains many times over that of Streptokinase. Cost of treatment is of utmost importance as most Indians health expenditure is out of own pocket. Appendix 1 clearly indicates that while the treatments for myocardial infarction vary from Streptokinase to tPA to angioplasty and bypass surgery, for a vast majority of Indians (with annual income about and below the current per capita annual income of Rs. 60,000), the treatment affordable and so possible is administering of Streptokinase. The alternative to Streptokinase would be a mix of morphine, oxygenation, intensive-care. Comparison with prevalent manufacturers Producers of natural Streptokinase, for several years, were only MNCs such as Behring-werke (Germany) and Lederle (USA). In India, before CSIR-IMTECHs intervention, Streptokinase was imported, Streptokinase injections were sold by MNCs Kabinase by Kabi Pharmacia, Sweden and Streptase by Hoechst Marion Roussel, Germany and priced then between Rs. 3000 to Rs. 4000 per vial in year 2000 (Krishnan(2000)). tPA prices varied from Rs. 30,000 per vial in year 2000-01 to about Rs. 19,000 per vial in 2010-11. In India, CSIR-IMTECH licensee Cadila Pharmaceuticals Ltd. manufactured Streptokinase as STPASE at an ex-factory price of Rs. 900 per vial (standard 1.5 miu dose) in 2001-02. The recombinant Streptokinase which has the same biological properties of natural Streptokinase (but much higher yields) was produced by CSIR-IMTECH licensee Shasun Chemicals and Drugs Limited, Chennai at an ex-factory price of Rs. 465 per vial in year 2009-10. This is the bulk drug price. It is marketed as LUPIFLO by Lupin Pharmaceuticals Limited and as STUKINASE by Samarth Pharma among other formulators. Non-CSIR licensee entry also occurred after the first CSIR licensee entered. There were three entrants, two of whom have already exited. The third entrant, Biocon, is successfully producing recombinant Streptokinase and marketing it as Myokinase. Data and Methodology Lab data are obtained from CSIR-IMTECH. Industry data are obtained through questionnaires and interviews. Market data such as sales value and quantity numbers for Streptokinase formulations/brands along with data on company characteristics such as MNC/Indian, date of launch, size of formulation are from the IMS Health India database on Streptokinase. The data are collected at the stockist level and are representative of the Indian pharmaceuticals market with the exception of sales directly from producers/formulators to the hospitals. Given the retrospective nature of this economic impact study, and the difficulties in collecting past data, the initial methodology proposed was a contemporaneous difference analysis between CSIR licensees and comparable enterprises. However, Streptokinase producer data could not be collected despite mailed questionnaires followed up with interviews  [7]  . Instead, for the industry analysis, market sales and volume data for a panel of 20 years are used to estimate a demand function with pooled OLS regressions. The pooled regressions permit segregation of estimates for CSIR licensees from others, and, of estimates over time  [8]  . Benefits of the Technology Intervention Creating Value Benefits to the Lab CSIR-IMTECH developed a technology and plugged a production capacity gap for a life-saving drug. The first of the series of streptokinase molecules established the credibility of CSIR as a solutions provider based on their science rooted program for technology. IMTECH scientists successfully integrated science and application producing more improved molecules and earned fees and royalty in the process. The total value of fees and royalty received is about Rs. 2.5 crores and the investment in terms of salaries and cost of patents is about Rs. 65 lakhs in 2011-12 prices. The internal rate of return on the Labs cash flows for Streptokinase works out to 36 percent  [9]  . Thus, the technology program is quite cost effective for CSIR. Benefits to CSIR Licensees and the Industry The direct benefit to the licensees in terms of value addition thus far (from 2001-02 to 2011-12) is about Rs. 17 crores in 2011-12 prices, the bulk of it, Rs. 16.5 crores, arising from the first licensee Cadila Pharma Limited. The second CSIR licensee Shasun Limited has limited value added from its two years of Streptokinase operations. The first molecule served as a proof-of-concept for the industry and even more as a proof-of-value creation. It was followed by another successful molecule variant and commercial success with that also. From no producer of Streptokinase in year 2000, there are now at least three producers domestically. The third producer Biocon, a non-CSIR licensee, is among three entrants, the other two having exited already. In 2001, before entry of the first domestic producer, CSIR-IMTECH licensee Cadila Pharma, there were about four Streptokinase brands and sales value was about Rs. 6 crores with about 20 thousand vials of standard dose. The value of the Streptokinase industry is over Rs. 20  [10]  crores in 2011 with about 118 thousand vials in terms of the standard dose of 1.5 miu and about thirty brands (including different vial sizes) marketed. While many factors are responsible for this value increase, demonstration of the proof- of-concept (technology works) and the proof-of-value (commercial success) by CSIR-IMTECH scientists and licensees may have been crucial. Without these, the country may still have been importing the drug at much higher prices. To that extent, the country is also saving foreign exchange. The current market price of STPASE is reported to be about Rs. 1000 per vial and the prices of Streptokinase vials from Shasuns bulk drug vary from Rs.715 to Rs. 2300. Myokinase, the third non-CSIR entrant Biocons product, is reportedly selling at a price of about Rs. 2000 per vial. The average market price is about Rs. 1700 per vial (standard 1.5 miu dose). Prices of streptokinase by CSIR-IMTECH licensees are among the lowest in the industry, where over 30 versions of formulations are now being marketed domestically. Industry Competition With increasing market competition, prices drop and sales increase. Competition can be enhanced more by entry of producers. A pioneering paper (Bresnahan and Reiss 1991) developed an empirical framework for measuring the effects of entry in concentrated markets by studying the relationship between the number of firms in the market, market size, and competition. Their analysis suggests that competitive conduct changes quickly as the number of incumbents increases. In markets with five or fewer incumbents, almost all variation in competitive conduct occurs with the entry of the second or third firm. Surprisingly, once the market has between three and five firms, the next entrant has little effect on competitive conduct. In the absence of data on price-cost margins, they develop another key metric the ratio of break-even sales Sn+1/Sn where n refers to the last incumbent producer and n+1 refers to the entrant. This threshold is equal to one in perfectly competitive markets where the minimum efficient scale of production is quite low relative to the market size and there are no entry barriers. In concentrated markets, the threshold of break-even sales ratio is higher than one due to substantial fixed costs as well as entry barriers. A new entrant could incur higher fixed capital cost and/or higher variable costs (such as marketing costs to establish their product and realize sales). With increasing entry, this threshold break-even sales ratio should decline and approach the value of one as in perfect competition. While we do not observe price-cost margins for all three domestic producers of Streptokinase Cadila (entry in year 2001), Biocon (entry in 2008) and Shasun (entry in 2009) we do have information on sales  [11]  and company provided break-even years. Using the Bresnahan and Reiss (1991) framework, the calculation of break-even sales (quantity of vials) ratio is found to be 2.8 for the second entrant (Biocon, relative to first producer Cadila Pharma) and 1.6 for the third entrant (Shasun Pharma, relative to Biocon)  [12]  . This quick examination points to a decreasing value of the break-even sales ratio and fast increasing competition with just three entrants, much in line with the findings of the Bresnahan and Reiss paper. Benefits to the People and the Economy Price Reduction, Affordability and Access

The Doctrine of ‘Personality Rights’ in the UK

The Doctrine of ‘Personality Rights’ in the UK The United Kingdom has never acknowledged a specific doctrine of ‘personality rights’; the law provides neither coherent nor consistent protection, as the courts are ‘sceptical about creating monopoly rights in nebulous concepts such as names, likeness or popularity’.[1] Therefore celebrities and other high-profile individuals rely on a combination of passing off, trademark, copyright and privacy laws for protection of the commercial value of their personality. None of these were invented to protect personality rights; however they are gradually developing to adjust to the commercial reality of the value of celebrity merchandising and endorsements. Misleading the public by giving a false impression of endorsement of a product by a celebrity has been to commit the tort of passing off for over a decade.[2] The tort of passing off was traditionally defined as ‘nobody has the right to represent his goods as the goods of someone else’.[3] The ‘ classical trinity’ is necessary to succeed in passing off: ‘the goodwill or reputation must be attached to the products or services of the plaintiff, the misrepresentation must lead to the confusion as to the source of the goods and services, and this confusion must cause damage to the claimant’.[4] In the case of Fenty Ors v Arcadia Group Brands Ltd (t/a Topshop) Anor,[5] high street fashion retailer Topshop licensed an image of popstar Rihanna’s face from a photographer and printed it on a t-shirt without either her permission being sought nor obtained. Rihanna then sued for passing off. Mr Justice Birss applied the doctrine to the dispute. Although on very particular facts, Birss J found in favour of Rihanna and established a general principle that arguably goes against any celebrities who might have hoped to see the creation of a doctrine of personality rights. This decision develops the tort of passing off to small degree whilst emphasising that, in each case, the facts are decisive.[6] The debate about the recognition of personality rights in the UK is gathering impetus in the wake of Fenty with academics like Walsh questioning if ‘personality rights are finally on the agenda’.[7] In the 1970s the UK courts were regularly unwilling to find false impressions relating to merchandising resulted in misrepresentation because of the need to show that they were engaged in a ‘common field of activity’. This introduced a somewhat blunt test for confusion and there often would be no proximity between, for example, a radio broadcaster and a cereal manufacturer.[8] Until the test was discarded, at least as an absolute condition,[9] it limited attempts to expand the categories of misrepresentation to cover licensing connections.[10] Where the absence of a common field of activity was not conclusive the court for example held the use of the name of the pop group Abba on merchandise did not amount to passing off on the basis that there was no real possibility that the public would be confused into thinking that Abba had approved the goods merely because their name or photograph appeared on them.[11] Likewise the use of a photograph of the Spice Girls on the cove r of a sticker collection was held not to constitute passing off.[12] An important exception came when it was held passing off had been established where cartoon characters, the Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles, were on clothing without authorisation, since the public did expect the goods to be licensed.[13] This case was distinguished from the Abba scenario on the basis that it was brought in the context of the unauthorised reproduction of images of cartoons in which copyright existed, rather than the image or name of a celebrity. Yet the decision is generally viewed as opening up character merchandising law in the UK. In the seminal case of Irvine Laddie J held passing off covered cases of false endorsement, like where Talksport had altered an image of racing driver Eddie Irvine to have him hold a branded Talksport radio for advertising purposes without his permission. Laddie J considered the increasingly popular marketing practice of personality licensing, including the licensing of a personality’s name or likeness outside a celebrity’s area of expertise as a common and lucrative practice for them, to reject the ‘common à ¯Ã‚ ¬Ã‚ eld of activity’ condition. Laddie J identified the inherent flexibility of passing off by saying ‘the sort of cases which come within the scope of a passing off action has not remained stationary over the years†¦passing off is closely connected to and dependent upon what is happening in the market place’.[14] Although Irvine was celebrated as a turning point in the protection of personality rights, the important limitation in the judgment was that passing off was limited to false endorsement and excluded merchandising cases. The classic celebrity-merchandising situation seems similar: the celebrity has a reputation and the public knows that it is common practice for celebrities to market their popularity by granting merchandise licenses.[15] Laddie J differentiated between cases of endorsement and merchandising, however in Fenty Birss J approved Laddie J’s reasoning but made it clear there is no difference in merchandising cases and that the legal principles apply equally well in passing off if the public had been deceived into thinking the celebrity had authorised the product. Rihanna easily established sufficient goodwill in the fashion industry, as a style icon because of her ‘cool, edgy image’.[16] This was demonstrated in her endorsement contracts with Nike and Gillette, her fashion design and promotion work with rival retailer River Island, and she had worked with HM, Gucci and Armani to collaborate on and design clothing. Birss J therefore stated Rihanna’s ‘identity and endorsement in the world of high street fashion was perceived†¦to have tangible value by an organisation well placed to know’.[17] Misrepresentation was the key issue. Topshop argued the clothing was simply a t-shirt bearing an image of Rihanna and the public had no expectation that it was authorised by her, whereas Rihanna contended that the particular facts of the case meant customers were misled into believing she had endorsed the t-shirt herself. The court considered the point in depth, addressing the various circumstances before considering the issue as a whole. Certain evidence considered was found to be neutral to finding a misrepresentation. The fact there was other unauthorised clothing bearing Rihanna’s image on sale did not imply that the public would necessarily believe that such clothing was authorised. Topshop had sold both clothing bearing authorised images and clothing, which was approved or endorsed by celebrities. Overall, its customers were neutral: having no positive expectation either way when considering clothing bearing a celebrity’s image. Also the t-shirt was fashionable an d on sale in a high street retailer. Certain factors indicated finding in Topshop’s favour. Some of Rihanna’s official merchandise included an ‘R slash’ trademark logo or her name, the t-shirt lacked both, and apart from a few days online the word ‘Rihanna’ was not used at all. There was also no genuine evidence of actual confusion. However on balance, significant factors supported RIhanna. Topshop had made considerable effort to emphasise connections in the public consciousness between the store and celebrities notably Kate Moss, and now more importantly Rihanna. This made it more likely purchasers would conclude that the t-shirt was authorised and being a fashion retailer, consumers would reasonably expect Topshop to publicise and sell products authorised by celebrities. Topshop’s prior association with Rihanna was important as Topshop ran a competition in 2010 to win a personal shopping appointment with Rihanna. Rihanna also visited Topshop in 2012 which they chose to publicise by tweeting to their 350,000 Twitter followers, just before the t-shirt went on sale – a significant commercial communication in the eyes of Birss J, to a demographic who valued social media highly. Topshop had therefore repeatedly associated itself and it products with Rihanna in a high-profile manner and this demonstrated Topshop were looking to take advantage of Rihanna’s position as a style icon. The image on the t-shirt was taken during the video shoot of RIhanna’s single ‘We Found Love’ from her 2011 ‘Talk that Talk’ album. Importantly, it showed Rihanna with the same hairstyle and headscarf as the album cover. This meant that the image was not just recognisably Rihanna but looked like a promotional shot for the music release. The court found that it was entirely likely that, to her fans, the image might be regarded as part of the marketing campaign. This was a critical point in the de cision. Although Birss J believed a ‘good number’ of purchasers would buy the t-shirt without considering the question of authorisation, he concluded that, in the circumstances, a substantial proportion of those judging the t-shirt (specifically Rihanna fans) would be encouraged to think that it was clothing authorised by the popstar. They would have recognised that particular image of Rihanna not simply as an image of her but as a particular image of her connected with the particular context of the album. Many of these purchasers would have bought the product because they thought that Rihanna had authorised it; others would have bought it because of the value of the perceived authorisation itself. In each case, the idea that it was authorised was part of what motivated them to buy the product and in each case they would have been deceived. The test for damage was also easily satisfied. If a substantial number of purchaser’s were deceived into buying the t-shirt because of a false belief that it was authorised by Rihanna herself, then that would have damaged Rihanna’s goodwill, both by way of sales lost to her merchandising business and a loss of control over her reputation in the fashion sphere.[18] Considering the particular facts, it is not surprising Birss J found in Rihanna’s favour. The classical trinity of passing off were fulfilled, however this decision is unlikely to open the floodgates for cases to be brought every time a celebrity’s image is used without a merchandising license, as it was made clear ‘the mere sale by a trader of a t-shirt bearing an image of a famous person is not without more, an act of passing off’.[19] Birss J was eager to emphasise that ‘there is today in England no such thing as a free standing general right by a famous person (or anyone else) to control reproduction of their image.’[20] The judgment is useful as a confirmation of the general principles of passing off applied to unauthorised use of celebrity images.[21] If the UK is approaching the creation of a doctrine of personality rights in some form, it is necessary to analyse the justifications and gauge whether they are robust enough to validate the subsequent restraints that would be placed upon society. The justifications suggested in support of personality rights fall largely into three groups: moral, economic and consumer protection arguments. The labour-based moral justification is founded on John Locke’s theory of property.[22] Essentially, itprovidesthat an individualhasamoralrightintheobjectofvaluetransformedbecauseoftheir efforts. Nimmer supported this point by contending that the person who has ‘long and laboriously nurtured the fruit of publicity values’ and has spent ‘time, effort, skill, and even money’ in their creation, is presumably allowed to enjoy it.[23] Professor McCarthy feels personality rights are ‘a â€Å"common-sense†, self-evident right needing little intellectual rationalisation to justify its existence’.[24] However, Madow deconstructs these arguments by contending that fame is something ‘conferred by others’ and is not necessarily down to the efforts of the individual.[25] Moreover according to Madow the labour argument ignoresthe fundamentalrole themediaplayinthecreationofcelebrities.He uses the example of Einstein andobservesthatth emedia selectedhim becausehedidinterviews, wasquotable and hehadtheright‘look’.[26]TheimageofEinsteinthat is familiar today,what itmeanstothe pubic themadbutpleasant scientistwith bushywhitehairandmoustache wasa personality createdby themedia. Therefore only when the media and public take notice and attach importance to a personal image can it fully enter into the market place.[27] Thus contrary to the statement by McCarthy, it would appear a celebrity cannot justify that they solely created their public image and consequently cannot stake an indisputable moral claim to the exclusive ownership or control of the economic value that comes with it. Personality rights can also be justified on economic arguments. Economic theory proposes persons should be economically incentivised into ‘undertaking socially, enriching activities’ such as creating a persona that benefits society culturally,[28] and this creativity can only be encouraged if the person is given exclusive right to control their creations, because this ‘provides incentive for performers to make economic investments required to produce performances appealing to the public’.[29] However Carty doubts whether personality rights would produce increases in ‘economic activity’ or ‘innovation’.[30] Following Madow’s ideas, the UK is currently without a personality right, yet celebrities still gain significant income from their publicity values and failure to introduce such a right in the future will not stop individuals profiting from the income already gained through endorsements and merchandising officially authoris ed by them.[31] According to Madow such protection also has ‘distributional consequences’,[32] whereby personality rights elevate the price of merchandise and advertising in general, placing more wealth in the hands of a select few, who already derive significant income, and away from the mass of consumers making up society.[33] Another justification for personality rights is the consumer protection argument focusing on the idea that without protection, the public will be misled about the authorisation of a celebrity’s association with a product or service. At first sight the consumer protection argument appears advisable, joining protection of the celebrity’s success with protection of the consumer, and it mirrors the traditional rationale for trademark and passing off.[34] However personality rights would allow celebrities to stop commercial uses of their personas that are not fraudulent or deceptive, and Professor Shiffrin states personality rights give celebrites power ‘to control the dissemination of truth for his or her own profit’.[35] On another level, Madow argues the degree to which personality rights would stop the consumer being misled is generally superfluous,[36] because in situations where there is a realistic chance that, consumers will be deceived or confused about a celebrity’s association or endorsement, legal mechanisms better adapted for that reason already exist, notably passing off. In conclusion, the extent to which Fenty constitutes a creation of a doctrine of ‘personality rights’ is limited. In the words of Roberts ‘this judgment does not change the law; and it does not create an â€Å"image right†. It simply applies the existing doctrine of passing off to the evolving commercial reality of the value of celebrity endorsements’.[37] The decision is important as it improves a flaw in the Irvine verdict,[38] in the same way that Irvine marked the first time that passing off was applied to false endorsement, Fenty is the first time it has been applied to false merchandising featuring a real person, with merchandising claims having only previously succeeded in relation to fictional characters,[39] and indicates that UK courts are slowly recognising the need to protect the commercial value of celebrity merchandising. It is clear from the case that the result was carefully balanced on particular facts and that if for example Rihanna had not been a fashion icon or the image was different she would have less chance of being successful. Fenty highlights the issue of misrepresentation is however always one of fact, and the false belief of the purchaser is key: to constitute passing off, a false belief incited in the mind of the prospective purchaser must play a role in their choice to buy. Although there are persuasive advocates of the creation of a doctrine of personality rights,[40] and there is also no definite rationale for an absolute rejection,[41] it would seem the decision in Fenty should be welcomed because there are substantial drawbacks in the moral, economic and consumer protection justifications put forward. The decision develops passing off to a small degree to keep up with modern business practice without creating personality rights, which are not necessary as celebrities are already sufficiently protected. The tort of passing off has again demonstrated its inherent flexibility and that it is ‘ closely connected to and dependent upon what is happening in the market place’. To sum up, ‘without an element of consumer deception, English law in this area remains characteristically cautious’,[42] and this should be welcomed. [1] J. Klink, ’50 years of Publicity Rights in the United States and the Never Ending Hassle with Intellectual Property and Personality Rights in Europe’, (2003), 4 IPQ 363, p.366. [2] Irvine v Talksport Ltd [2003] EWCA Civ 423 [3] Reddaway v Banham (1896) 13 RPC 218 at 244 per Lord Halsbury [4] Reckitt Colman v Borden [1990] 1 WLR 491 at 499 per Lord Oliver [5] [2010] EWHC 2310 (Ch) [6] D. Meale, ‘Rihanna’s face on a T-shirt without a licence? No, this time it’s passing off’, (2013) 8(11) JIPLP 823, p.823. [7] C. Walsh, ‘Are personality rights finally on the UK agenda?’, (2013) 35(5) EIPR 253, p.253. [8] McCulloch v Lewis A May [1947] 2 All ER 845 [9] Lyngstad v Anabas Products [1977] FSR 62 at 67; [10] Wombles Ltd v Wombles Skips Ltd [1975] FSR 488 Ch D; [11] Lyngstad v Anabas Products [1977] FSR 62 [12] Halliwell Ors v Panini Ors (6 June, 1997, unreported) [13] Mirage Studiosv Counterfeat Clothing [1991] FSR 145 [14] [2002] FSR 60 at para 13-14 [15] J. Klink, op.cit., p.375. [16] Fenty v Topshop [2013] EWHC 2310 (Ch) at [46] [17] Ibid at [42] [18] Ibid at [72] [19] Ibid at [75] [20] Ibid at [2] [21] H. Beverley-Smith and L. Barrow, ‘Talk that tort†¦of passing off: RIhanna, and the scope of actionable misrepresentation: Fenty v Arcadia Group Brands Ltd (t/a Topshop), (2014), 36(1) EIPR 57, p.61. [22] J. Locke, The Second Treatise of Government, (New York: Liberal Arts Press, 1952) [23] M.B. Nimmer, ‘The Right of Publicity’, (1954) 19 Law and Contemporary Problems 203, p.216. [24] J.T. McCarthy, The Rights of Publicity and Privacy, (New York: C.Boardman, 1987), s.1.1[B] [2] at 1-5; s.1.11[C] at 1-46. [25] M. Madow, ‘Private Ownership of Public Image: Popular Culture and Publicity Rights’, (1993), 81 CLR 125, p.182. [26] Ibid, p.190 [27] J. Fowles, Celebrity Performers and the American Public, (Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1992), p.84. [28] J.T. McCarthy, ’Melville B. Nimmer and the Right of Publicity: A Tribute’ (1987) 34 UCLA LR1703, p.1710. [29] D.E. Shipley, ‘Publicity Never Dies: It just Fades Away, (1981) 66 Cornell LR 673, p.681. [30] H. Carty, ‘Advertising, Publicity Rights and English Law’, (2004) 3 IPQ 209, p.251. [31] M. Madow, op.cit., p.211 [32] Ibid, p.218. [33] Ibid [34] H. Carty, op.cit., p.252. [35] S. Shiffrin, ‘The First Amendment and Economic Regulations: Away from a General Theory of the First Amendment’, (1983) 78 NW ULR 1212, p.1258. [36] M. Madow, op.cit., p.233. [37] J. Roberts, ‘Face off: Rihanna wins â€Å"image rights† case’, (2013), 24(8) Ent LR 283, p.285. [38] A. De Landa Barajas, ‘Personality rights in the United States and the United Kingdom – is Vanna too much? Is Irvine not enough?’, (2009) 20(7) Ent LR 253, p.258. [39] J. Roberts, op.cit., p.285. [40] S. Bains, ‘Personality rights: should the UK grant celebrities a proprietary right in their personality? Part 2’, (2013) 18(6) Ent LR 205 [41] [42] H. Beverley-Smith, op.cit., p.61.

Essay --

DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) is one of the most important molecules in any organism. DNA is like an instruction manual for the cell to make new proteins. DNA is made up of two long chains of nucleotides wound up into a helical shape. Each nucleotide consists of a phosphate group, pentose sugar and one of four possible nitrogenous bases (Adenine, Guanine, Thymine or Cytosine). A group of three of the bases of the corresponding sequence to the protein required makes up one amino acid. This is known as the Triplet code. A chain of amino acids is the protein. These proteins can be used for a large variety of tasks ranging from simply allowing chemicals to pass (channel proteins) to the more complex task of fighting diseases (antibodies). This wide range of uses for proteins allows us to use and manipulate it artificially to our needs. Gene therapy is used to treat diseases caused by faulty genes by fixing the faulty genes. This is done by introducing the correct gene in place of the faulty one. The correct gene would have been developed outside the body in a laboratory. The normal gene is transported by a carrier called a vector which is usually a virus due to their nature of attacking the sufferer’s body and inserting their genetic material, however, the viral vector is modified so it cannot cause the patient any harm. Once the vector has released the correct gene into the cell, the cell then begins to produce the correct proteins. Gene therapy can be very useful in the field of science as it can help discover different methods of inserting genetic material into a cell. Genetic engineering isn’t only advantageous in medicine, but also in farming as farmers will have the freedom of choice when it comes to selecting the type of ... ...he protein of the desired characteristics. These characteristics can include physical appearance, preventing genetic disorders and even intelligence although, there are many ethical issues surrounding this particular use of DNA technology. If the ethical issues are overcome, soon, the average intelligence of the human population will increase massively leading to much more discoveries and technological advancements. In the end, DNA is a very useful molecule which can and has been used vastly in science and technology to improve the lives of many people in the present and for the future generations. DNA technology has been the pinnacle of medical science due to the role it plays in an organism therefore has been one of the key fields for scientists to explore allowing it to advance massively over the past few years and continue to progress in the foreseeable future.

American Slavery :: Slavery Essays

  The purpose of this report was for me to research and explore the connection between African American women and music.  Ã‚  Since prior to the slave decades, music has been an integral part of African American society, and served as a form of social, economic, and emotional support in African American communities in the past and present.  Ã‚  This paper will cover three different types of secular music that emerged during the slave days, through the civil war, reconstruction, and depression periods.  Ã‚  They are blues, jazz, and gospel music.  Ã‚  Each of these forms of music are still in existence today.  Ã‚  In addition to exploring the history of each of these genres of music, this report will identify three African American female music legends, Bessie Smith, Emma Barrett, and Mahalia Jackson. Blues emerged in the period between the end of the civil war, and the beginning of the 20th century.  Ã‚  Originating in the fields of the rural south, it became popular after the emancipation of the slaves.  Ã‚  In this form of music, the singer and composer is one in the same, a characteristic not evident in the spiritual songs of the slave communities.  Ã‚  Spirituals were somewhat of a passage way for blues.  Ã‚  Blues followed blacks to urban societies as spirituals followed the slaves onto the plantations.  Ã‚  The differences between these types of music were that spirituals were collective, whereas an individual sang blues.  Ã‚  Blues attributed to the evolution of black society toward individualism after the collective society of slavery.  Ã‚  Blues became know as the music of the black working class.  Ã‚  It was a way for African Americans to express the modern problems of economics, social errors, and poverty and power struggles they faced after they became free.  Ã‚  African Americans were still living in unjust societies, where jobs were hard to find.  Ã‚  They began to migrate north, but the case remained the same.  Ã‚  They used music for economic gain in nightclubs, corner halls, publishing, and recording.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  One of the greatest African American female blues singers was Bessie Smith.  Ã‚  She was born on April 15, 1894 or 1898.  Ã‚  The exact date is unknown.  Ã‚  Her father William was a preacher, who died when Bessie was very young.  Ã‚  This left her mother to raise seven children on her own.  Ã‚  When Bessie was nine years old, her mother Laura had passed away, and two of her brothers had died as well.  Ã‚  The oldest sister brought up the five remaining brothers and sisters.  Ã‚  Prior to the death of Bessie’s mother, she was singing on a street corner to the accompaniment of her brother’s guitar.

Experience :: Essays Papers

Experience Plane tickets in hand, my possible girlfriend and I embark on our first vacation to Cozumel, Mexico during the summer of 2000. I had known her for about 7 months and during that time i had grown very fond of her. Our relationship began to blossom and that in the near future we would begin to grow even closer. Boy, was I wrong. We both needed a break from our stress filled lives and i was hoping I could help her overcome whatever tragedy happened in her life because i didn't understand why she was depressed most of the time. She had told me about a few things that had transpired between her and her parents but it just didn't explain all of her emotional problems. Most of the plane ride there was spent bartering with the flight attendants for tasty beverages. She looked out the window with longing eyes. Her eyes seem to say so much and yet, so very little. I didn't quite understand what was missing from her life, but I would soon grasp the emense pain. The plane soon arrived in Cozumel. We were ushered like cattle through customs. Our baggage was taken by Miguel, a three-foot Mexican. We arrived at hotel Paradisus. Paradise, what more could you ask for. Truth be known, I don't think that there is such a place or thing. It's jsut a simple concept we all hope for,but never achieve. We spent that night walking along the beach and talking. She said very little, but I still enjoyed her being my my side. I never in my wildest dreams imagined myself with such a beautiful girl in such a perfect place. I couldn't have been happier, but all good things must come to an end. The next day was spent with fun-filled activites. She of course had located the many bars at our hotel. We had purchases the all-inclusive package. She received alcohol, and I received activities.

England’s Architecture

The author creates a chronological presentation of what brought about England’s contribution to architectural theory. The author believed that England’s architecture started only in the beginnings of the eighteenth century since before that, architectures are mainly adaptation of Italian and other foreign works. English architecture is presented as something that moves towards practicality rather than aesthetics. The passage tries to undermine the connections that eighteenth century architects tried to establish and express in their works, between nature and architecture. Primarily, the author mentioned, that the home is seldom compared to natural things such as the human body. Although there has been a disagreement on the use of ornaments and decors, Gothic architecture was slowly rejected. It was replaced by emphasis on geometrical configurations that stress on harmony and proportion. Architects tried to re-establish the works of the past by reconstructing and understanding how history significantly affects the designs and taste that were popular during their time. While architects tried to compare themselves with others especially those before them, they also assert themselves by trying to change something and incorporate another idea creating their own style. The way that England develops their own architecture is a vivid and long process that tries to extend personal ideas to others work, and then analyze what works best. All in all, England’s architecture seems to fit roughly as simple and practical since emphasis is given to ‘naturalness and symmetry’. Towards the end of the passage, the author mentioned that architects turned to study other culture’s architecture such as Chinese and Gothic styles that both uses decorations and ornaments. In the end of eighteenth century focus on ‘convenience’ identifying space and practicality while incorporating necessary decorations to produce symmetry and regularity are the basic standards of England’s architecture.